Showing posts with label Makassar. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Makassar. Show all posts

Wednesday, October 28, 2015

Somadril and Edgework in South Sulawesi

The use of psychoactive prescription drugs (PPDs) by young people is part of a broader worldwide trend towards the consumption of pharmaceuticals to improve social, emotional, and sexual performance. Few studies have examined how young people use PPDs in developing countries, where off-label use is likely to be greater due to weaker market controls. 

This study presents our findings on PPD use among sex workers in Makassar, Indonesia. We focus on one potent painkiller, Somadril, which is freely available over the counter in pharmacies. The sex workers we studied used most of their earnings to purchase Somadril pills, which they used to feel more confident and to make their work more palatable. 

This paper also traces the history of the active component in Somadril, carisoprodol. This was developed in the United States, where it was soon used recreationally. We found that knowledge of its effects seeped from health professionals into youth networks, where it was spread by word of mouth. The flow of information on carisoprodol's harmful effects, however, was less evident...

In Makassar's Losari Beach, the sex workers whom we interviewed work freelance, finding customers through referrals from bellboys and becak drivers. They live in a nocturnal peer group that shares everything – food, lodging, and earnings from customers. They help each other to find customers and then use the proceeds to buy food and drugs for everybody. As we joined in their gatherings, especially on Wednesday and Saturday evenings (the former is ladies’ night, the latter a popular evening for young people to go out), it became clear to us that the priority in their lives was Somadril. The sex workers in Makassar craved the drug. Whereas the young women in Isidro got drunk on beer, sex workers in Makassar used Somadril to get high.

The sex workers at Losari Beach consumed Somadril in different ways. Some chewed it; others took it with Sprite (a soft drink commonly used as a solvent for drugs in Indonesia). Others mixed it with red label whiskey or Topi Roja, a local brand of vodka. As Rina told us: ‘If you mix it with an alcoholic drink, the effect is sure to be great.’ Others mixed Somadril with other PPDs such as Calmlet (alprazolam) or the painkiller Tramadol. Hasan, reflecting on his mixing of Tramadol and Somadril, said it made him ‘act like a mad man’. When they had enough money, they bought pedas (hot) food, which they said makes them sweat and enhances the high. They also wore warm jackets, and avoided the wind and cold drinks, which they said weakened the effect of Somadril.

When they could not get enough Somadril, our informants mixed or substituted it with cheaper PPDs such as ‘LL’ (also called ‘DoubleL’; chemical content unknown), which was bought from street vendors in sachets of around 10 pills and ‘Dextro’ (dextromethorphan, a cough medicine sold in generic containers in pharmacies). To get high, they swallowed 20–30 Dextro or several LL pills. Neither are very strong, they said. Mira was one of the sex workers who kept a diary for us:

May 13 (2012): Last night I took only three pills of Somadril. For me, only taking three pills gives me a bad headache, it feels like my head will break into pieces.

May 14: I took five pills of Somad, and I added DoubleL, and I felt like a fool. DoubleL makes us uncommunicative, and not friendly to people. But, I like mixing Somad with DoubleL.

May 15: We didn’t have a supply of Somad, because we have a debt with the seller. I took 15 pills of Dextro and added three pills of DoubleL, and I felt like I had nothing … no worries, no debt, no sins…. But I am worried that if I take too much, it won’t work. It will kill me.

May 16: I took five pills of Somad, and it gave me a headache and I became sleepy…. Dextro makes me sweat like shabu-shabu [methamphetamine], because the heat comes from inside [panas dalam]. It makes me feel weak … but it can also make me feel confident if someone asks me for a date.

May 17: I have taken 10 pills of DoubleL, because I am in a bad mood, and I have nothing to do. DoubleL made me feel crazy, we laughed about everything, even things that are not funny.

May 18: I have taken 9 pills of Somad and I also drank 2 bottles of beer, so it feels really good. It's balanced with beer. It makes me sleepy, but I enjoy it because it makes me feel confident.

Dextro and LL are second-choice drugs among sex workers. Dextro, our informants say, is used a lot among high school-aged young people (below age 18, and not included in our study) who lack the money to buy more expensive PPDs.

We were struck by the uniformity in the reported beneficial effects of Somadril. All of the sex workers to whom we talked said using it made them feel more pede (confident) and/or less malu (shy). These are important qualities in attracting customers; the drug makes the sex workers talkative and feel less inner resistance to their work. As Samsul notes in his diary: ‘I took four pills of Somad and five pills of DoubleL because if I am not taking Somad I have no confidence to accompany my clients, and no desire to look for them.’ Another entry in his diary stresses the uselessness of DoubleL for his work: ‘I didn’t have money to buy Somad, so finally a friend gave me DoubleL, but my eyes blurred and I looked like a fool…. I just kept on laughing, acting like a madman...
  
Full article at: http://goo.gl/SGXX0n

Amsterdam Institute for Social Science Research, Nieuwe Achtergracht 166, 1018 WV Amsterdam, The Netherlands
Anita P. Hardon: ln.avu@nodraH.P.A

Balancing Benefits & Harm: Chemical Use & Bodily Transformation among Indonesia's Transgender Waria

Members of Indonesia's diverse male-to-female transgender community often describe themselves as waria.Waria do not equate being feminine with being female. They do not want to be women; they aspire to be likewomen. It entails cultivating mannerisms and wearing make-up and women's clothes, shaving one's legs and styling one's hair. But some go further in their practices of self-administered, chemically assisted bodily transformation.

Field research took place in Makassar, the capital city of South Sulawesi; in a smaller town in the regency of Bulukumba on the south coast of Sulawesi; and in the special region of Yogyakarta in Java. Data were collected through repeated in-depth interviews with ten waria youths aged between 18 and 26 in each site; interviews with pharmacists, drug and cosmetics store clerks; three focus group discussions at each site; and participant observation.

Our respondents saw their bodies as ‘projects’ they can manipulate with pharmaceutical products and cosmetics. To lighten their skin, they experimented with different brands of exfoliating liquid, whitening cream, powder, foundation, face soap and skin scrub. To grow breasts and reduce muscle mass, they experimented with different brands and dosages of contraceptive pills and injections in order to get faster, better and longer-lasting results.

Harm reduction programs often neglect chemicals that are not narcotics, not related to sexually transmitted infections, and which are legally and freely available. Safety issues arise when otherwise safe products are used off-label in large quantities. Drug policy-makers are paying insufficient attention to the safety of cosmetics.

Below:  The most popular brands for pills and injections


Table 1

Contraceptive products used to feminize bodies.


ProductManufacturer/licenceContentProduct information
Andalan pillMarketing: DKT IndonesiaEach tablet contains:
0.15 mg Levonolgestrel
0.03 mg Ethinylestradiol
Begin taking on the first day of menstruation
Manufacturer: PT Sydna Farma, Jakarta, IndonesiaIndication: low dosage oral contraceptive for breast-feeding mothers
License: NV Organon, NetherlandsBy prescription only

Marvelon 28 pillMarketing: DKT IndonesiaEach pack consists of 21 large tablets, each containing:
0.150 mg Desogestrel
0.030 mg Ethinylestradiol
No active ingredient in the small tablets
By prescription only
Manufacturer: PT Sydna Farma, Jakarta, Indonesia
License: NV Organon, Netherlands

Trinordiol pillManufacturer: Wyeth, Germany & Republic of IrelandEach light brown tablet contains:
0.03 mg Ethinylestradiol
0.05 mg Levonorgestrel
Synthetic oestrogen and Levonorgestrel is a synthetic form of progesterone
Each white tablet contains:
0.04 mg Ethinylestradiol
0.075 mg Levonorgestrel
Each ochre tablet contains:
0.03 mg Ethinylestradiol
0.125 mg Levonorgestrel
Each 21-day pack contains three types of tablets (six light brown, five white, ten ochre), each with a slightly different hormone dosage

Microgynon pillManufacturer: Schering do Brasil Quimica Farmaceutica Ltda, Sao Paolo, Brazil21 Sugar-coated tablets, each containing:
0.15 mg Levonorgestrel
0.03 mg Ethinylestradiol
7 Sugar-coated tablets, each containing 48.25 mg Lactosa
By prescription only
Importer: PT Bayer Indonesia

Microdiol 30 pillManufacturer and distributor: Kimia Farma IndonesiaEach small tablet contains: 0.150 mg Levonorgestrel 0.030 mg Ethinylestradiol
No active ingredient in the large tablets
By prescription only

Cyclogynon pillMarketing: PT Tunggal Idaman Abdi, IndonesiaEach tablet contains:
0.15 mg Levonorgestrel
0.03 mg Ethinylestradiol
Manufacturer: PT Sunthi Sepuri, Indonesia

Andalan Laktasi pill KBMarketing: DKT IndonesiaEach tablet contains:
0.15 mg Levonorgestrel
0.03 mg Ethinylestradiol
By prescription only
Manufacturer: PT Sydna Farma, Indonesia
License: NV Organon, Netherlands

Andalan contraceptive injectionManufacturer: Harsen, Indonesia, incorporated under DKT IndonesiaEach 1 ml contains: 150 mg Medroxyprogesterone acetateBy prescription only
Sterile suspension of Medroxyprogesterone acetate in water

Cyclofem contraceptive injectionManufacturer: PT Tunggal Idaman Abdi, IndonesiaEach vial contains:
25 mg Medroxyprogesterone acetate
5 mg Estradiol USP sterilized micronized
By prescription only
License: Concept Foundation, Thailand

Below:  A shelf in a market cosmetics stall in Makassar



Below:  Exfoliating products



Full article at: http://goo.gl/22f55E

aDepartment of Anthropology, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Hasanuddin University, Makassar, Indonesia
bEuropean Research Council Chemical Youth project, University of Amsterdam, The Netherlands
Corresponding author at: Department of Anthropology, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Kampus Unhas Tamalanrea, KM 10, Makassar 90245, Indonesia. Email: moc.oohay@surdiimlilurun
   



On Coba & Cocok: Youth-Led Drug-Experimentation in Eastern Indonesia

The everyday lives of contemporary youths are awash with drugs to boost pleasure, moods, sexual performance, vitality, appearance and health. This paper examines pervasive practices of chemical ‘self-maximization’ from the perspectives of youths themselves. The research for this paper was conducted among male, female and transgender (male to female, so-called waria) sex workers in Makassar, Indonesia. It presents the authors’ ethnographic findings on how these youths experiment with drugs to achieve their desired mental and bodily states: with the painkiller Somadril to feel happy, confident and less reluctant to engage in sex with clients, and contraceptive pills and injectable hormones to feminize their male bodies and to attract customers. Youths are extremely creative in adjusting dosages and mixing substances, with knowledge of the (mostly positive) ‘lived effects’ of drugs spreading through collective experimentation and word of mouth. The paper outlines how these experimental practices differ from those that have become the gold standard in biomedicine...

These ethnographic case studies have revealed the pervasiveness of young sex workers’ desires to feel attractive, happy and confident; how they experiment with different drugs and modes of administration to achieve their desired effects; how experiential knowledge circulates through youth networks; and in the case of Somadril, how youths pool their resources to support their drug habits. Among the key findings is that the authors’ informants ‘try out’, or in their own words ‘coba’, different drugs and techniques to assess the effects on their bodies and minds in what may be called collective youth-led drug experiments.

The experiments involve the ‘off label’ use of prescription pharmaceuticals – that is, for purposes other than their official indication. Such experimentation is not unique to the sex workers at Losari Beach and the waria at Karebosi. The ethnographic fieldwork in Makassar revealed similar patterns of experimentation among other groups of youths. Construction workers mixed energy drinks and potency products; hard-core drug users injected a veritable cocktail into their veins in search of new highs. Students were also found to use Somadril in all kinds of different mixtures, but only on weekends and mainly to enhance sexual pleasure (Hardon, Idrus, and Hymans ).

How does the accumulation of knowledge by youth through trial and error differ from knowledge production in biomedicine? There are five main differences: first, biomedical experiments have pre-defined endpoints. Randomized controlled trials measure the effects of specific chemicals on individual bodies, with the ‘double-blind’ method ensuring that both the subjects of the experiment and those administering it do not know whether the active ingredient or an inert substance is ingested. The group receiving the inert substance is called the control group (Goldstein ). The authors’ informants feel no need for a control group; they evaluate the efficacy of products through self-observation, before and after use.

In the youth-led experiments, the subjects further determine their own desired ‘endpoints’: the development of hard tissue and a base for breasts in the case of contraceptive steroids, feeling confident in the case of Somadril. These ‘endpoints’ emerge out of the sharing of experiential knowledge on what specific drugs can do to alter their minds and bodies. The endpoints are specific to their everyday needs and desires. The wariainformants want to feminize their bodies; freelance sex workers need to be confident to approach clients.
The youth-led experiments differ from biomedical research in how they apprehend a drug's adverse effects. Biomedical researchers a priori define adverse effects and then measure them in trials. Safety and efficacy data are submitted to regulatory agencies, which then weigh the drug's benefits and risks for market approval. It is well known in pharmacology that unexpected side-effects can occur once the drug is used in routine medical practice. In contrast, youths in this study appeared unconcerned about side-effects before trying a drug for the first time. They simply tried it and observed what happens.

A fourth difference between how youth experiment with drugs and biomedical research pertains to how drugs are administered. Drugs in laboratory experiments are tested in isolation, in fixed dosages to allow for the standardized measurement of effects. Youths continuously ‘try out’ different dosages and forms of administration, mixing substances with drinks, foods and other drugs in their quest for better, stronger or faster effects.

Finally, in the biomedical measurement of drug effects, efficacy is situated in the drug's active pharmaceutical content – if substance A is proven to be effective in population B, it is assumed to work identically in population C as well. In assessing the positive and negative effects of substances in their bodies, youths in this study time and again made use of the relational notion of cocok. A drug is cocok if there is a ‘fit’ between the drug and the person taking the drug. A comparable personification of efficacy can be seen in the biomedical discipline of pharmaco-genomics, which shows how drug effects vary depending on individual genetic makeup. Such knowledge, however, still has no place in standard clinical experiments on new drugs which are generally funded by pharmaceutical companies; too much diversity would limit the market for specific drugs....

Full article at: http://goo.gl/lQAlMF

By: Anita Hardon a , * and Nurul Ilmi Idrus b
aAmsterdam Institute for Social Science Research, University of Amsterdam, Amsterdam, the Netherlands
bUniversity of Hasanuddin, Anthropology, Makassar, Indonesia
Corresponding author. Email: ln.avu@nodrah.p.a

   



Tuesday, October 27, 2015

Magic Power: Changing Gender Dynamics & Sex-Enhancement Practices among Youths in Makassar, Indonesia

This paper examines changing sexualities and gender relations as they are reflected in the use of sexual enhancement products by young women and men in the eastern Indonesian city of Makassar. 

To examine the relationships between the use of these products and socially sanctioned gender roles, their 'gender scripts' were studied--the assumptions embedded in the products' design and advertising. What kinds of femininity and masculinity are expressed through their use? 

It was found that the most popular products--'magic tissues' that promise to prolong erections and a 'neotraditional' vaginal wash that promises to cleanse, perfume, and tighten vaginas--espouse the dual purpose of promoting sexual pleasure and hygiene. While it was found that the images in advertising to reflect changing gender relations in the field site, this research also points to enduring gender scripts in Indonesian culture: men should be virile, women should be clean and attractive.

Purchase full article at: http://goo.gl/Xn5mI0

  • 1 University of Amsterdam , Amsterdam , the Netherlands.