Does Predictive Policing Encourage Racial Profiling?

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Social Movements Against Racist Police Brutality and Department of Justice Intervention in Prince George's County, Maryland

Racist police brutality has been systemic in Prince George's County, Maryland. The victims include African Americans, the mentally challenged, and immigrant populations, creating a complex and uneven public health impact. Three threads characterize the social movements and intervention since 1970. 

First, a significant demographic shift occurred as African Americans became the majority population in the late 1980s when the first Black county executive was elected in 1994. Despite the change in political leadership, police brutality remained rampant. Lower-income households located close to the District of Columbia and "inside the beltway" experienced the most police brutality. 

In 2001, The Washington Post revealed that between 1990 and 2000, Prince George's police shot and killed more citizens per officer than any of the 50 largest city and county law enforcement agencies in the country, 84 % of whom were black. Of the 147 persons shot during the 1990s, 12 were mentally and/or emotionally disturbed; 6 of these shootings were fatal. 

Second, resistance to police brutality emerged in a variety of political formations throughout the period, especially in the late 1990s. Sustained community pressure prompted the Department of Justice (DOJ) to open a civil rights investigation of the police department in November 2000. To avoid a potential federal lawsuit, the county leadership negotiated a memorandum of agreement (MOA) with the DOJ to enact policy reforms, part of which called for supplementing the departmental mobile crisis team, comprised of mental health care professionals, to respond to all cases involving mentally challenged citizens. 

Third, the incomplete process of change subsequent to the ending of DOJ oversight suggests a continued challenge to social movements opposing police brutality. This study focuses on the effectiveness of the MOA along with the activism of the People's Coalition for Police Accountability (PCPA) in reforming a culture of police brutality. The intensive oversight by the DOJ, combined with engaged resident activism, reduced the incidences of police brutality during the period 2004-2013. 

Since the termination of DOJ oversight, disturbing developments suggest the need for continued and sustained activism. Since 2010, county police officers have fatally shot 21 people, several in questionable circumstances. 

At the same time, the Prince George's Police Department has received more tactical military weaponry than any other jurisdiction in the state of Maryland under the 1033 program of the National Defense Authorization Act.

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By:    Hutto JW Sr1, Green RD2.

• 1Howard University, Washington, DC, USA.
• 2Howard University, Washington, DC, USA. rgreen@howard.edu. 
• J Urban Health. 2016 Feb 16.

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Building on the Evidence: Guiding Policy and Research on Police Encounters with Persons with Mental Illnesses

...During this time of national concern about excessive use of force by police, a range of stakeholders—including communities, federal and state governments, and law enforcement—seek improvements in community partnership, accountability, transparency, and skillful restraint to begin reversing the problems of excessive police use of force, including as they affect persons with mental illnesses. Prevention-oriented policies and programs that offer tools for improving de-escalation of potentially dangerous encounters with persons in a mental-health crisis could help minimize risk for injury during police encounters for all parties involved and reduce the likelihood that force will be needed at all. As an example, a recent trend in state law making broadens police authority to remove guns from persons who are considered to be in danger of harming themselves or others but who have not committed a criminal act and are not prohibited from gun ownership. Connecticut, Indiana, and California are three states with different versions of a law in place to remove guns from potentially dangerous persons. A benefit of this policy approach to managing potential dangerousness among persons in crisis is in removing the focus from mental illnesses per se and placing it instead on demonstrated behaviors by any member of the community that suggest heightened risk. This conceptual and operational shift in focus from mental illnesses to dangerousness is important for reducing stigma around mental illnesses, both in the community and among law enforcement officers.

There has also been increased awareness in law enforcement communities of the need for more in-depth officer training in de-escalation. The New York Times reported on a recent survey conducted by the Police Executive Research Forum (PERF) that highlighted the tradition of a disproportionate focus on training in use of force rather than de-escalation techniques and estimated the following median number of hours spent in various training areas: firearms = 58 hours, defensive tactics = 49 hours, de-escalation = 8 hours, and crisis intervention = 8 hours (Apuzzo, 2015). PERF asserted that some large police departments support the idea of a new approach to training that focuses more heavily on teaching officers the necessary skills to defuse tense situations and avoid violent confrontations; but other departments are resistant. Persons with mental illnesses would undoubtedly benefit during their encounters with police who had more comprehensive training in de-escalation and potentially reduce their chances not only of injury during those encounters but also of being subject to police use of force at all.

Certain jurisdictions have had strong success in implementing prevention-oriented models that include specialized officer response to persons with mental illnesses like CIT. Other successful additions to the community infrastructure provide officers with an alternative to taking a person in crisis to the emergency department or jail. San Antonio, Texas, paired CIT training with a newly constructed Restoration Center, a facility with a 16-bed psychiatric unit, a medical clinic, and a “sobering room” where police can drop off people who are intoxicated rather than taking them to jail. The city reports related savings for the police department of $600,000 a year in overtime pay alone; undoubtedly, many encounters that would have involved use offorce and possible injury were averted.

Morabito and Socia (2015) also call for policy improvements in consistency, quality, and availability of data on encounters during which police use force and the surrounding circumstances, including measures that thoroughly describe the circumstances of a person’s mental-health crisis. While a range of community and government stakeholders are engaged, now is an especially important time to develop and institute progressive policies in an effort to increase accountability for what takes place during police encounters. New policies that require detailed reporting of police use-of-force incidents would also facilitate further rigorous research on the effectiveness of CIT, preemptive gun seizure laws, and other approaches to mitigating dangerousness in encounters with persons in mental-health crisis. To ensure that new reporting policies are sustainable, however, jurisdictions would need to give careful consideration to issues around their implementation. Challenges to be addressed include the acceptability of such policies among police department leadership and their officers, as well as the feasibility of additional reporting and paperwork for officers and data management for administration.

Morabito and Socia (2015) offer salient new evidence about risk for injury during police encounters involving persons with mental illnesses in which force is used. Their study lays a foundation for further research that should extend to include non-CIT police officers to learn more about both CIT-specific outcomes and any unobserved elevated risk for injury during police encounters with persons with mental illnesses. Policy response to these concerns can begin now, starting with improved reporting on police encounters with persons with mental illnesses and a rigorous focus on building officers’ skills in de-escalation...

Full article at:   http://goo.gl/DaHZ0u

By: Allison G. Robertson, 

Direct correspondence to Allison G. Robertson, Department of Psychiatry & Behavioral Sciences, Duke University School of Medicine, Brightleaf Square, Ste 23B, Durham, NC 27701 (Email:  allison.gilbert@duke.edu).

Allison G. Robertson is an assistant professor in the Department of Psychiatry and Behavioral Sciences at Duke University School of Medicine. She received a Ph.D. in health policy and management from the University of North Carolina—Chapel Hill and an MPH in health management and policy from the University of Michigan at Ann Arbor. Professor Robertson conducts mental health law, policy, and services research, with a particular focus on the problem of criminal justice involvement among adults with serious mental illnesses. She is currently the principal investigator on a study of gender differences in a statewide jail-diversion program, principal investigator on a study of medication-assisted treatment for justice-involved adults with co-occurring mental health and substance use disorders, and an investigator on two multisite studies on gun control laws, mental illness, and prevention of violence.

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Police Decision-Making in the Gray Zone: The Dynamics of Police–Citizen Encounters with Mentally Ill Persons

Research finds mentally ill persons have higher rates of police contacts, arrests, and criminal charges for minor offenses and noncriminal behavior. It remains unclear whether the decision-making process and factors affecting discretion reflect a procedural bias that criminalizes the mentally ill. 

Using observational data from a Canadian police service, the findings suggest higher odds for criminal charges with serious offenses, males, older citizens, a prior criminal record, being under the influence of alcohol or drugs, and being uncooperative with requests for information and compliance. The odds of a citation are higher for proactive calls, more serious offenses, older citizens, mentally ill persons, those under the influence, or with a disrespectful demeanor. 

The overall findings suggest an indirect procedural bias exists due to situational constraints, a disjuncture between policy and police culture, and limited mental health resources that lead to response strategies that contribute to criminalization of the mentally ill.

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By:  Jennifer L. Schulenberg

Jennifer L. Schulenberg, Department of Sociology and Legal Studies, University of Waterloo, Waterloo, ON, N2L 3G1, Canada; e-mail: jlschule@uwaterloo.ca.

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Deaths Resulting from the Use of Firearms by Police Against Motor Vehicles: Study of Cases in Porto, Portugal

Highlights

• Bullets that struck the occupants were FMJ type and exhibited a deformed structure but no significant loss of mass.
• Entry holes in the victim's body were larger than the calibre of bullets.
• Death occurred immediately after the victim was shot only in one case, despite a vital structure has been hit in all cases.

The objective of this study was to investigate the terminal ballistics of police shootings in which the bullets went through any motor vehicle structure before fatally wounding the occupants. 6 cases that occurred in Porto district between 1998 and 2013 were studied. 

The firearms used were 7.65 mm (n = 1) or 9 mm (n = 3) calibre semi-automatic pistols and 9 mm calibre submachine guns (n = 2); the bullets were full metal jacket type. The metal jacket of the collected projectiles was totally or partially destroyed in 3 cases. It exhibited a deformed structure in all cases. The trajectories of the bullets in the vehicles were always more or less linear, even when initial impact was at an oblique angle. The entry holes in the victims' bodies were larger or much larger in size than the calibre of the bullets. They were located, with the exception of one of the cases, in the left half of the body. The trajectories in the victims' bodies were from front to back, in one case, and from back to front in all others. Exit wounds were only found in two cases. Death occurred immediately after the victim was shot only in one case, despite a vital structure has been hit in all cases. 

The cases studied support the idea that the use of firearms against vehicles with the sole intention of immobilisation entails uncontrollable danger to the lives of the occupants, and especially when done by police forces not specifically trained for that purpose. Therefore, such use of firearms should be avoided.

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By:  Rodrigues E1, Faria P2, Santos A3, Fraga S4.

• 1Faculty of Medicine of Porto University, Department of Legal Medicine and Forensic Sciences, Alameda Professor Hernâni Monteiro, 4200-319, Porto, Portugal. Electronic address: ezrodrigues@gmail.com.
• 2Faculty of Law of Catholic University of Portugal, Rua Diogo Botelho, 1327, 4160-005, Porto, Portugal.
• 3National Institute of Legal Medicine and Forensic Sciences, Department of Pathology - North Branch, Jardim Carrilho Videira, 4050-167, Porto, Portugal; Faculty of Medicine of Porto University, Department of Legal Medicine and Forensic Sciences, Alameda Professor Hernâni Monteiro, 4200-319, Porto, Portugal; School of Health Sciences of Minho University, Campus Gualtar, 4710-057, Braga, Portugal; Center of Forensic Sciences, National Institute of Legal Medicine and Forensic Sciences, Largo da Sé Nova, 3000-213, Coimbra, Portugal.
• 4EPIUnit - Institute of Public Health, University of Porto, Rua das Taipas, 135, 4050-600, Porto, Portugal.
• J Forensic Leg Med. 2016 Jan 12;39:1-9. doi: 10.1016/j.jflm.2016.01.010.  

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Black and Hispanic Men Perceived to Be Large Are at Increased Risk for Police Frisk, Search, and Force

Social justice issues remain some of the most pressing problems in the United States. One aspect of social justice involves the differential treatment of demographic groups in the criminal justice system. 

While data consistently show that Blacks and Hispanics are often treated differently than Whites, one understudied aspect of these disparities is how police officers' assessments of suspects' size affects their decisions. Using over 3 million cases from the New York Police Department (NYPD) Stop, Question, and Frisk (SQF) Database, 2006-2013, this study is the first to explore suspects' race, perceived size, and police treatment. 

Results indicate that tall and heavy black and Hispanic men are at the greatest risk for frisk or search. Tall and heavy suspects are at increased risk for experiencing police force, with black and Hispanic men being more likely to experience force than white men across size categories.

Below:  The adjusted odds ratios for the suspect being frisked or searched by race, height, and weight category compared to white suspects with weight 141–204 pounds and 66–72” in height, controlling for stop characteristics. The blue circle denotes white (W) suspects, the red diamond denotes black (B) suspects, and the green square denotes Hispanic (H) suspects. Error bars indicate the 99% confidence interval for the group estimates.

Below:  The adjusted odds ratios for the suspect having force used on them by race, height, and weight category compared to white suspects with weight 141–204 lbs. and 66–72” in height, controlling for stop characteristics.  The blue circle denotes white (W) suspects, the red diamond denotes black (B) suspects, and the green square denotes Hispanic (H) suspects. Error bars indicate the 99% confidence interval for the group estimates.

Below:  The adjusted odds ratios for the suspect being frisked or searched (top) or having force used on them (bottom) by race and BMI category compared to normal weight white suspects, controlling for stop characteristics. The blue circle denotes white suspects, the red diamond denotes black suspects, and the green square denotes Hispanic suspects. Error bars indicate the 99% confidence interval for the group estimates.

Full article at:   http://goo.gl/L48OrV

By:  Milner AN1,2,3,4, George BJ2,5,6, Allison DB2,5,6.

• 1Department of Sociology, University of Alabama at Birmingham, Birmingham, AL 35294, United States of America.
• 2Nutrician Obesity Research Center, University of Alabama at Birmingham, Birmingham, AL 35294, United States of America.
• 3Minority Health and Health Disparities Research Center, University of Alabama at Birmingham, Birmingham, AL 35294, United States of America.
• 4Center for the Study of Community Health, University of Alabama at Birmingham, Birmingham, AL 35294, United States of America.
• 5School of Public Health, University of Alabama at Birmingham, Birmingham, AL 35294, United States of America.
• 6Office of Energetics, University of Alabama at Birmingham, Birmingham, AL 35294, United States of America
• PLoS One. 2016 Jan 19;11(1):e0147158. doi: 10.1371/journal.pone.0147158. 

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Collateral Damage: The Health Effects of Invasive Police Encounters in New York City

The health effects of police surveillance practices for the community at-large are unknown. Using microlevel health data from the 2009-2012 New York City Community Health Survey (NYC-CHS) nested within mesolevel data from the 2009-2012 NYC Stop, Question, and Frisk (NYC-SQF) dataset, this study evaluates contextual and ethnoracially variant associations between invasive aspects of pedestrian stops and multiple dimensions of poor health. 

Results reveal that living in neighborhoods where pedestrian stops are more likely to become invasive is associated with worse health. Living in neighborhoods where stops are more likely to result in frisking show the most consistent negative associations. More limited deleterious effects can be attributed to living in neighborhoods where stops are more likely to involve use of force or in neighborhoods with larger ethnoracial disparities in frisking or use of force. 

However, the health effects of pedestrian stops vary by ethnoracial group in complex ways. For instance, minorities who live in neighborhoods with a wider ethno racial disparity in police behavior have poorer health outcomes in most respects, but blacks have lower odds of diabetes when they live in neighborhoods where they face a higher risk that a stop will involve use of force by police than do whites. 

The findings suggest that the consequences of the institutionalization of the carceral state are far-reaching.

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By:  Sewell AA1,2, Jefferson KA3.

• 1Emory University, Atlanta, GA, USA. abigail.a.sewell@emory.edu (http://sociology.emory.edu/home/people/faculty/Abigail%20A.%20Sewell.html).
• 2University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, PA, USA. abigail.a.sewell@emory.edu.
• 3Emory University, Atlanta, GA, USA. 
• J Urban Health. 2016 Jan 15.

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Investigating Ferguson and the Militarization of America's Police

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Are Healthcare Professionals Working in Australia's Immigration Detention Centres Condoning Torture?

Australian immigration detention centres are in secluded locations, some on offshore islands, and are subject to extreme secrecy, comparable with 'black sites' elsewhere. 

There are parallels between healthcare professionals working in immigration detention centres and healthcare professionals involved with or complicit in torture. In both cases, healthcare professionals are conflicted between a duty of care to improve the health of patients and the interests of the government. While this duality of interests has been recognised previously, the full implications for healthcare professionals working in immigration detention have not been addressed. 

The Australian Government maintains that immigration detention is needed for security checks, but the average duration of immigration detention has increased from 10 weeks to 14 months, and detainees are not informed of the progress of their application for refugee status. Long-term immigration detention causes major mental health problems, is illegal in international law and arguably fulfils the recognised definition of torture. 

It is generally accepted that healthcare professionals should not participate in or condone torture. Australian healthcare professionals thus face a major ethical dilemma: patients in immigration detention have pressing mental and physical health needs, but providing healthcare might support or represent complicity in a practice that is unethical. 

Individual healthcare professionals need to decide whether or not to work in immigration detention centres. If they do so, they need to decide for how long and to what extent restrictive contracts and gagging laws will constrain them from advocating for closing detention centres.

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By:   Isaacs D1.

• 1Department of Infectious Diseases & Microbiology, Children's Hospital at Westmead, Sydney, New South Wales, Australia Discipline of Child Health, University of Sydney, Sydney, New South Wales, Australia.  

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National Trends: Mapping Police Violence

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Police Accountability Tool: Mapping Police Violence

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Police Violence: City Comparison Tool

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Police Violence: State Comparison Tool

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Mapping Police Violence

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Stop, Question, and Complain: Citizen Grievances Against the NYPD and the Opacity of Police Stops Across New York City Precincts, 2007-2013

Data on police stops can be examined to reflect on the relative "opacity" of these encounters and how aggregate patterns on the nature-not just the volume-of reported stops relate to public scrutiny of the police. 

We hypothesize that public scrutiny on police stops is positively related to the prevalence of opaque stop practices across dimensions of "intrusiveness," "rationale," and "setting" derived from agency records. We further argue that this relationship is influenced by neighborhood conditions in the form of concentrated disadvantage, residential instability, and heterogeneity. 

To develop these ideas, we draw on a publicly available NYPD dataset on police stops to specify a series of fixed and random effects models that describe variation in recorded stop practices across precincts (N = 74) and overtime (T = 7, 2007-2013). We relate these practices to neighborhood conditions derived from the Census and examine their association with rates of SQF complaints to the CCRB. 

Results show considerable variation in indicators of opacity, particularly across precincts. More importantly, we also find that rates of complaints are higher in precincts that have more vaguely defined, intrusive stops. 

Results also suggest that concentrated disadvantage is independently and positively related with higher rates of public scrutiny of the police.

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By:   Rengifo AF¹, Fowler K².

¹School of Criminal Justice, Rutgers University, 123 Washington St, Suite 554, Newark, NJ, 07102, USA. arengifo@rutgers.edu.

²School of Criminal Justice, Rutgers University, 123 Washington St, Suite 554, Newark, NJ, 07102, USA. kurt.fowler@rutgers.edu.

  

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Who Shot Ya? How Emergency Departments Can Collect Reliable Police Shooting Data

This paper examines an alternative solution for collecting reliable police shooting data. 

One alternative is the collection of police shooting data from hospital trauma units, specifically hospital-based violence intervention programs. These programs are situated in Level I trauma units in many major cities in USA. 

While the intent of these programs is to reduce the risk factors associated with trauma recidivism among victims of violent injury, they also collect reliable data on the number of individuals treated for gunshot wounds. While most trauma units do a great job collecting data on mode of injury, many do not collect data on the circumstances surrounding the injury, particularly police-involved shootings. 

Research protocol on firearm-related injury conducted in emergency departments typically does not allow researchers to interview victims of violent injury who are under arrest. Most victims of nonfatal police-involved shootings are under arrest at the time they are treated by the ED for their injury. Research protocol on victims of violent injury often excludes individuals under arrest; they fall under the exclusion criteria when recruiting potential participants for research on violence. Researchers working in hospital emergency departments are prohibited from recruited individuals under arrests. The trauma staff, particularly ED physicians and nurses, are in a strategic position to collect this kind of data. 

Thus, this paper examines how trauma units can serve as an alternative in the reliable collection of police shooting data.

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By:   Richardson JB Jr1,2.

• 1Department of African-American Studies, College Park, MD, USA. jrichar5@umd.edu.
• 2Violence Intervention Research Project, Prince George's Hospital Trauma Center, Cheverly, MD, USA. jrichar5@umd.edu. 

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Police Killings and Police Deaths Are Public Health Data and Can Be Counted

Summary Points 

• During the past year, the United States has experienced major controversies—and civil unrest—regarding the endemic problem of police violence and police deaths.
• Although deaths of police officers are well documented, no reliable official US data exist on the number of persons killed by the police, in part because of long-standing and well-documented resistance of police departments to making these data public.
• These deaths, however, are countable, as evidenced by “The Counted,” a website launched on June 1, 2015, by the newspaper The Guardian, published in the United Kingdom, which quickly revealed that by June 9, 2015, over 500 people in the US had been killed by the police since January 1, 2015, twice what would be expected based on estimates from the US Federal Bureau of Intelligence (FBI).
• Law-enforcement–related deaths, of both persons killed by law enforcement agents and also law enforcement agents killed in the line of duty, are a public health concern, not solely a criminal justice concern, since these events involve mortality and affect the well-being of the families and communities of the deceased; therefore, law-enforcement–related deaths are public health data, not solely criminal justice data.
• We propose that law-enforcement–related deaths be treated as a notifiable condition, which would allow public health departments to report these data in real-time, at the local as well as national level, thereby providing data needed to understand and prevent the problem.

Below:  US deaths due to legal intervention: national and city-specific annual 5-year moving average rate (per 100,000) among US black men and white men ages 15–34, 1960–2011

Full article at:  http://goo.gl/xgEpZl

By:  Nancy Krieger, Jarvis T. Chen, Pamela D. Waterman, Mathew V. Kiang, Justin Feldman

Department of Social and Behavioral Sciences, Harvard T.H. Chan School of Public Health, Boston, Massachusetts, United States of America

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The Role of Visual Markers in Police Victimization among Structurally Vulnerable Persons in Tijuana, Mexico

Law enforcement can shape HIV risk behaviours and undermine strategies aimed at curbing HIV infection. Little is known about factors that increase vulnerability to police victimization in Mexico. This study identifies correlates of police or army victimization (i.e., harassment or assault) in the past 6 months among patients seeking care at a free clinic in Tijuana, Mexico.

From January to May 2013, 601 patients attending a binational student-run free clinic completed an interviewer-administered questionnaire. Eligible participants were: (1) ≥18 years old; (2) seeking care at the clinic; and (3) spoke Spanish or English. Multivariate logistic regression analyses identified factors associated with police/army victimization in the past 6 months.

More than one-third (38%) of participants reported victimization by police/army officials in the past 6 months in Tijuana. In multivariate logistic regression analyses, males, tattooed persons and those who injected drugs in the past 6 months were significantly more likely to report past 6-month police/army victimization. Recent feelings of rejection and being denied employment were also independently associated with police/army victimization.

Structural interventions aimed at reducing stigma against vulnerable populations and increasing social incorporation may aid in reducing victimization events by police/army in Tijuana. Police education and training to reduce abusive policing practices may be warranted.

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By: Pinedo M1, Burgos JL1, Ojeda AV2, FitzGerald D3, Ojeda VD4.

• 1Division of Global Public Health, Department of Medicine, University of California, San Diego, Institute of the Americas, 10111 North Torrey Pines Road, Mail Code 0507, La Jolla, CA 92093, United States.
• 2Facultad de Medicina y Psicología, Universidad Autónoma de Baja California, Calzada Universidad #14418, Parque Industrial Internacional, Tijuana, Baja California C.P. 22390, Mexico.
• 3Center for Comparative Immigration Studies, University of California, San Diego, La Jolla, CA 92093-0548, United States.
• 4Division of Global Public Health, Department of Medicine, University of California, San Diego, Institute of the Americas, 10111 North Torrey Pines Road, Mail Code 0507, La Jolla, CA 92093, United States. Electronic address: vojeda@ucsd.edu.  

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Police Victimization among Persons Who Inject Drugs Along the U.S.-Mexico Border

Problematic policing practices are an important driver of HIV infection among persons who inject drugs (PWID) in the U.S.-Mexico border region. This study identifies factors associated with recent (i.e., past 6 months) police victimization (e.g., extortion, physical and sexual violence) in the border city of Tijuana, Mexico.

From 2011 to 2013, 733 PWID (62% male) were recruited in Tijuana and completed a structured questionnaire. Eligible participants were age 18 years or older, injected illicit drugs within the past month, and spoke Spanish or English. Multivariable logistic regression analyses identified correlates of recent experiences of police victimization (e.g., bribes, unlawful confiscation, physical and sexual violence).

Overall, 56% of PWID reported a recent police victimization experience in Tijuana. 

• In multivariable logistic regression analyses, factors independently associated with recent police victimization included 
• recent injection of methamphetamine 
• and recently received injection assistance by a "hit doctor". 

Increased years lived in Tijuana and initiating drug use at a later age were inversely associated with recent police victimization.

Physical drug using markers may increase PWID susceptibility to police targeting and contribute to experiences of victimization. Interventions aimed at reducing police victimization events in the U.S.-Mexico border region should consider PWID's drug-using behaviors. Reducing problematic policing practices may be a crucial public health strategy to reduce HIV risk among PWID in this region

Via:  http://ht.ly/SPrnU Purchase full article at:  http://ht.ly/SPrpO 

By: Pinedo M1, Burgos JL2, Zuniga ML3, Perez R4, Macera CA5, Ojeda VD2.

• 1Alcohol Research Group, University of California, Berkeley, California.
• 2Division of Global Public Health, Department of Medicine, University of California, San Diego, California.
• 3School of Social Work, San Diego State University, San Diego, California.
• 4Department of Anthropology, San Diego State University, San Diego, California.
• 5School of Public Health, San Diego State University, San Diego, California.

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