In the wake of mass incarceration, an increasing number of women are
going through the penal system. A fair number of these women are mothers, yet
the intersection of motherhood and prison may contradict conceptions of
femininity and challenge traditional views of appropriate mothering. The
contradiction between notions of criminality and femininity contributes to
stigmatized perceptions of formerly incarcerated mothers, which drastically
shapes their ability to reintegrate into society post-incarceration. While
reentry efforts tackle gender differences through the implementation of
gender-responsive programs that cater to women's needs, failure to adequately
account for unique maternal experiences may hinder attempts to address
obstacles faced by mothers in particular, such as regaining child custody and
paying for day care. This article argues for special attention to the
post-incarceration experiences of mothers without imposing socially constructed
definitions of motherhood like having custody and living with children, which
may not coincide with the realities mothers face after imprisonment. Ideas are
also discussed for the inclusive consideration of formerly incarcerated mothers
and their post-incarceration experiences...
Employment and financial challenges
Formerly
incarcerated individuals often encounter obstacles to obtain and sustain
employment, finding themselves with limited opportunities in the low-wage
sector (Brown and Bloom 2009; Dodge and
Pogrebin 2001; Hagan and
Dinovitzer 1999). As a result,
they are likely to seek financial assistance from family members to cover daily
expenses and outstanding debts, such as court fines (Brown and Bloom 2009). While some
receive financial assistance from relatives, this puts a strain on the finances
of family members who are less fortunate or also caring for the mothers'
children (Dodge and Pogrebin 2001). These
employment and financial difficulties may further complicate the act of
mothering post-incarceration. Specifically, unstable employment and income can
trigger inconsistent routines, financial obstacles to provide for children,
difficulties with affordable childcare arrangements, and associated stress that
may influence parent–child relationships (Arditti and Few 2008; Brown and
Bloom 2009; Edin and Lein 1997; Scott et al. 2004). As written by
Brown and Bloom (2009, p. 332):
“Reunion with children takes place in situations where the woman is dependent
on others and is still not really in control of her own life.” Such financial
obstacles can be particularly detrimental for formerly incarcerated mothers,
aggravating attempts at reintegrating into society and navigating motherhood
amidst desires and expectations to do so.
Living arrangements
Since
mothers are likely to have lived with their children and served as primary
caretakers pre-incarceration (Glaze and Maruschak 2008; Mumola 2000), they often
expect and hope to live with their children upon their release (Baunach, 1985; Brown and
Bloom 2009). Yet, mothers
face difficulties in finding permanent housing post-incarceration and may
encounter unstable housing including homelessness, which presents obstacles as
they seek suitable housing for themselves and their children (Roman and Travis 2004). Since the
children's fathers are seldom involved or financially stable, mothers are often
unable to rely on the fathers and, instead, rely on other family members for
the care of their children (Dodge and Pogrebin 2001). They may
exhibit gratefulness for family serving as temporary caregivers, but they may
also feel jealousy if unable to realistically provide for their children given
common difficulties in finding stable, affordable housing post-incarceration
(Arditti and Few 2008). Some mothers
struggle with attempts to live with their children, yet others decide to leave
their children in the care of family to maintain consistency with arrangements
made in their physical absence (Michalsen 2011). Some formerly
incarcerated mothers may also encounter hostility from their children because
of these adjustments, forcing them to balance “their own process of
reintegration and the transitions of their loved ones” (Brown and Bloom 2009, p. 325). Thus,
changes in mother–child relationships and problems finding stable housing can
negatively impact mothers' plans to reside with their children and contribute
to preexisting stress after incarceration.
Mothering techniques
Mothers
may also struggle to manage motherhood within a correctional system that
stresses idealistic notions of femininity and mothering, while penalizing
mothers whom diverge from these social constructions (Ferraro and Moe 2003; Haney 2010). For instance,
maternal desires to provide for children during financial difficulties are
often associated with violations of parole conditions given that mothers are
“filled with expectations of caring for others while under the gaze of the
state” (Ferraro and Moe 2003, p. 23). In her
ethnographic study, Haney (2010) found that
some mothers under correctional supervision were deemed “bad mothers” and
scolded for treating their children with tough love. However, the mothers
deemed tough love as a necessary parenting approach to teach their children
survival techniques for the realities faced in their neighborhoods (Haney 2010). Moreover,
mothers of color – fraught with racial inequalities in society – often engage
in “motherwork” in which they empower children (both biological and
non-biological) against the social and structural barriers they collectively
confront as racial minorities (Collins 1994; see also
O'Reilly 2014). Their tough
love parenting serves to protect their children from the dangers in their
community and the attention of the police, while the parenting of White
middle-class mothers typically places emphasis on the proper education and
employment for future success (Brown and Bloom 2009). Formerly
incarcerated mothers may also employ discipline and tough love to prevent their
children from following in their footsteps and making the same mistakes they
made (Hayes 2009). Though
mothers justify this parenting approach according to their life circumstances,
this approach may not coincide with social constructions of what mothering
entails, therefore, exposing them to further stigmatization (Haney 2010). These factors
can be particularly problematic for mothers attempting to regain custody of
their under-aged children.
Full article at: http://goo.gl/1boU5W
By:
Correspondence address: Janet Garcia, School of Criminal Justice, Rutgers University, 123 Washington Street, CLJ 5th Floor, Newark, NJ 07102, USA. E-mail: Janet.Garcia@rutgers.edu
More at: https://twitter.com/hiv
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