Gossip vs Punishment: The Efficiency of Reputation to Promote and Maintain Cooperation

Prior theory suggests that reputation spreading (e.g., gossip) and punishment are two key mechanisms to promote cooperation in groups, but no behavioral research has yet examined their relative effectiveness and efficiency in promoting and maintaining cooperation. 

To examine these issues, we observed participants interacting in a four-round public goods game (PGG) with or without gossip and punishment options, and a subsequent two-round trust game (TG). We manipulated gossip as the option to send notes about other group members to these members' future partners, and punishment as the option to assign deduction points to reduce other group members' outcomes with a fee-to-fine ratio of 1:3. 

Findings revealed that in the four-round PGG, the option to gossip increased both cooperation and individual earnings, whereas the option to punish had no overall effect on cooperation (but a positive effect on cooperation in the last two rounds of the PGG) and significantly decreased individual earnings. Importantly, the initial option to gossip made people more trusting and trustworthy in the subsequent TG when gossip was no longer possible, compared to the no-gossip condition. 

Thus, we provide some initial evidence that gossip may be more effective and efficient than punishment to promote and maintain cooperation.

Below:  Relative effectiveness and efficiency of gossip and punishment in promoting and maintaining cooperation.

(a) Average contribution and (b) total earnings in the PGG, (c) trust, and (d) trustworthiness in the TG as a function of gossip and punishment manipulations. C = control condition with no gossip or punishment, P = punishment condition, G = gossip condition, GP = gossip-and-punishment condition. Error bars indicate standard errors of the mean.

Full article at:   http://goo.gl/s3w3PJ

By:  Wu J1, Balliet D1, Van Lange PA1.

• 1Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam, Department of Experimental and Applied Psychology, Van der Boechorststraat 1, 1081 BT Amsterdam, the Netherlands. 
• Sci Rep. 2016 Apr 4;6:23919. doi: 10.1038/srep23919.

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Generating Trust: Programmatic Strategies to Reach Women Who Inject Drugs with Harm Reduction Services in Dar Es Salaam, Tanzania

BACKGROUND:

Strong evidence supports the effectiveness of methadone-assisted therapy (MAT) to treat opioid dependence, reduce the risk of HIV transmission, and improve HIV related health outcomes among people who inject drugs (PWID). HIV prevalence reaches 71% in women who inject drugs (WWID) in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania; creating an urgent need for access to MAT. Despite the availability and potential benefits of treatment, few women have enrolled in services. This formative research sought to identify programmatic strategies to increase women's participation in outreach and their subsequent enrollment in MAT.

METHODS:

We conducted twenty-five, in-depth interviews with patients and their providers at a MAT clinic. Open-ended interviews explored enrollment experiences, with a focus on contextual barriers and facilitators unique to women. Ethnographic observations of harm reduction education at outreach sites and the MAT clinic enriched interview data. Trust/mistrust emerged as an overarching theme cross cutting patient and provider accounts of the connective process to enroll PWID in the methadone program. We explore trust and mistrust in relationship to the interrelated themes of family loss, social isolation, vehement discrimination and motivation for treatment.

RESULTS:

Narratives delineated both the generation of mistrust against PWID and the generation of mistrust in PWID against outsiders and medical institutions. In order to enroll PWID in treatment, community base organizations engaged outreach strategies to overcome mistrust and connect eligible patients to care, which varied in their success at recruiting women and men. Greater discrimination against WWID pushed them into hiding, away from outreach teams that focus on outdoor areas where men who inject drugs congregate. Building trust through multiple encounters and making a personal connection facilitated entry into care for women. Only PWID were eligible for MAT, due to resource constraints and the higher risk associated with injection drug use. Many women smoke heroin, yet still face high risk of HIV, resulting from low condom use during sex work to fund drug use.

CONCLUSION:

Expanding outreach times and locations, by women peers, could increase women's enrollment in treatment. Allowing women who smoke heroin to enter the program could prevent onward transmission via sex work and reduce the chance of progressing from the lower risk smoking or sniffing to injection drug use.

Purchase full article at:   http://goo.gl/ZEjW8A

By:  Zamudio-Haas S1, Mahenge B2, Saleem H3, Mbwambo J4, Lambdin BH5.

• 1Department of Preventative Medicine, University of California, 550, 16th Street, San Francisco, CA 94143, United States. Electronic address: Sophia.Zamudio-Haas@ucsf.edu.
• 2Department of Psychology, University of Dodoma, P.O. Box 259, Dodoma, Tanzania.
• 3Pangaea Global AIDS, 436, 14th Street, Suite 920, Oakland, CA 94612, United States.
• 4Department of Psychiatry, Muhimbili University of Health and Allied Sciences, P.O. Box 65293, Dar es Salaam, Tanzania.
• 5Behavioral and Urban Health Program, RTI International, 351, California St, Suite 500, San Francisco, CA 94104, United States; Department of Epidemiology and Biostatistics, University of California, San Francisco, CA, United States; Department of Global Health, University of Washington, Seattle, WA, United States. 
• Int J Drug Policy. 2016 Jan 23. pii: S0955-3959(16)00035-9. doi: 10.1016/j.drugpo.2016.01.012.

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Power & the Association with Relationship Quality in South African Couples: Implications for HIV/AIDS Interventions

INTRODUCTION:

Power imbalances within sexual relationships have significant implications for HIV prevention in sub-Saharan Africa. Little is known about how power influences the quality of a relationship, which could be an important pathway leading to healthy behavior around HIV/AIDS.

METHODS:

This paper uses data from 448 heterosexual couples (896 individuals) in rural KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa who completed baseline surveys from 2012 to 2014 as part of a couples-based HIV intervention trial. Using an actor-partner interdependence perspective, we assessed: (1) how both partners' perceptions of power influences their own (i.e., actor effect) and their partner's reports of relationship quality (i.e., partner effect); and (2) whether these associations differed by gender. We examined three constructs related to power (female power, male equitable gender norms, and shared power) and four domains of relationship quality (intimacy, trust, mutually constructive communication, and conflict).

RESULTS:

For actor effects, shared power was strongly and consistently associated with higher relationship quality across all four domains. The effect of shared power on trust, mutually constructive communication, and conflict were stronger for men than women. The findings for female power and male equitable gender norms were more mixed. Female power was positively associated with women's reports of trust and mutually constructive communication, but negatively associated with intimacy. Male equitable gender norms were positively associated with men's reports of mutually constructive communication. For partner effects, male equitable gender norms were positively associated with women's reports of intimacy and negatively associated with women's reports of conflict.

CONCLUSIONS:

Research and health interventions aiming to improving HIV-related behaviors should consider sources of shared power within couples and potential leverage points for empowerment at the couple level. Efforts solely focused on empowering women should also take the dyadic environment and men's perspectives into account to ensure positive relationship outcomes.

Below:  Hypothesized pathways between female power, male gender norms, shared power, and relationship quality using an actor-partner independence model

Purchase full article at:   http://goo.gl/GZ4fP5

By:  Conroy AA1, McGrath N2, van Rooyen H3, Hosegood V4, Johnson MO5, Fritz K6, Marr A7, Ngubane T8, Darbes LA9.

• 1Center for AIDS Prevention Studies, University of California, San Francisco, 550 16th Street, San Francisco, CA, 94158, USA. Electronic address: Amy.Conroy@ucsf.edu.
• 2Faculty of Medicine, University of Southampton, Southampton General Hospital, Mailpoint 805, South Academic Block, Level C Room AC23, Tremona Road, Southampton SO16 6YD, UK; Africa Centre for Population Health, University of KwaZulu-Natal, Mtubatuba, South Africa. Electronic address: n.mcgrath@soton.ac.uk.
• 3Social, Behavioural and Biomedical Interventions Unit, HIV/AIDS, STIs and Tuberculosis Programme, Human Sciences Research Council, P.O Box 90, Msunduzi 3200, South Africa. Electronic address: hvanrooyen@hsrc.ac.za.
• 4Africa Centre for Population Health, University of KwaZulu-Natal, Mtubatuba, South Africa; Division of Social Statistics and Demography, University of Southampton, Southampton SO17 1BJ, UK. Electronic address: v.hosegood@soton.ac.uk.
• 5Center for AIDS Prevention Studies, University of California, San Francisco, 550 16th Street, San Francisco, CA, 94158, USA. Electronic address: Mallory.Johnson@ucsf.edu.
• 6Global Health, International Center for Research on Women, 1120 20th Street NW, Suite 500 North, Washington, D.C., USA. Electronic address: kfritz@icrw.org.
• 7Center for AIDS Prevention Studies, University of California, San Francisco, 550 16th Street, San Francisco, CA, 94158, USA. Electronic address: Alexander.Marr@ucsf.edu.
• 8Social, Behavioural and Biomedical Interventions Unit, HIV/AIDS, STIs and Tuberculosis Programme, Human Sciences Research Council, P.O Box 90, Msunduzi 3200, South Africa. Electronic address: tngubane@hsrc.ac.za.
• 9Center for AIDS Prevention Studies, University of California, San Francisco, 550 16th Street, San Francisco, CA, 94158, USA. Electronic address: Lynae.Darbes@ucsf.edu. 
• Soc Sci Med. 2016 Jan 28;153:1-11. doi: 10.1016/j.socscimed.2016.01.035.

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Cross-Sectional Analysis of the 1039 U.S. Physicians Reported to the National Practitioner Data Bank for Sexual Misconduct, 2003–2013

Background

Little information exists on U.S. physicians who have been disciplined with licensure or restriction-of-clinical-privileges actions or have had malpractice payments because of sexual misconduct. Our objectives were to: (1) determine the number of these physicians and compare their age groups’ distribution with that of the general U.S. physician population; (2) compare the type of disciplinary actions taken against these physicians with actions taken against physicians disciplined for other offenses; (3) compare the characteristics and type of injury among victims of these physicians with those of victims in reports for physicians with other offenses in malpractice-payment reports; and (4) determine the percentages of physicians with clinical-privileges or malpractice-payment reports due to sexual misconduct who were not disciplined by medical boards.

Methods and Results

We conducted a cross-sectional analysis of physician reports submitted to the National Practitioner Data Bank (NPDB) from January 1, 2003, through September 30, 2013. A total of 1039 physicians had ≥ 1 sexual-misconduct–related reports. The majority (75.6%) had only licensure reports, and 90.1% were 40 or older. For victims in malpractice-payment reports, 87.4% were female, and “emotional injury only” was the predominant type of injury. We found a higher percentage of serious licensure actions and clinical-privileges revocations in sexual-misconduct–related reports than in reports for other offenses (89.0% vs 68.1%, P = < .001, and 29.3% vs 18.8%, P = .002, respectively). Seventy percent of the physicians with a clinical-privileges or malpractice-payment report due to sexual misconduct were not disciplined by medical boards for this problem.

Conclusions

A small number of physicians were reported to the NPDB because of sexual misconduct. It is concerning that a majority of the physicians with a clinical-privileges action or malpractice-payment report due to sexual misconduct were not disciplined by medical boards for this unethical behavior.

Below:  Physicians with Sexual-Misconduct–Related NPDB Reports, 2003–2013 (Physician-Level Analysis)

Full article at:   http://goo.gl/EUIYLx

By:  

Azza AbuDagga, Sidney M. Wolfe, Michael Carome

Health Research Group, Public Citizen, Washington, District of Columbia, United States of America

Robert E. Oshel

National Practitioner Data Bank (Retired), Department of Health and Human Services, Silver Spring, Maryland, United States of America

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Generating Trust: Programmatic Strategies to Reach Women Who Inject Drugs with Harm Reduction Services in Dar Es Salaam, Tanzania

Highlights

• We examine causes for disparity in outreach and enrollment among men and women IDU.
• We present interview data from patients and providers at the first methadone clinic in Tanzania.
• Current outreach strategies focus on public areas where men IDU congregate during the day.
• Changing outreach locations and times will increase access to women IDU.
• Including more women outreach workers will help connect women to treatment. 

Abstract

Background

Strong evidence supports the effectiveness of methadone-assisted therapy (MAT) to treat opioid dependence, reduce the risk of HIV transmission, and improve HIV related health outcomes among people who inject drugs (PWID). HIV prevalence reaches 71% in women who inject drugs (WWID) in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania; creating an urgent need for access to MAT. Despite the availability and potential benefits of treatment, few women have enrolled in services. This formative research sought to identify programmatic strategies to increase women's participation in outreach and their subsequent enrollment in MAT.

Methods

We conducted twenty-five, in-depth interviews with patients and their providers at a MAT clinic. Open-ended interviews explored enrollment experiences, with a focus on contextual barriers and facilitators unique to women. Ethnographic observations of harm reduction education at outreach sites and the MAT clinic enriched interview data. Trust/mistrust emerged as an overarching theme cross cutting patient and provider accounts of the connective process to enroll PWID in the methadone program. We explore trust and mistrustin relationship to the interrelated themes of family loss, social isolation, vehement discrimination and motivation for treatment.

Results

Narratives delineated both the generation of mistrust against PWID and the generation of mistrust in PWID against outsiders and medical institutions. In order to enroll PWID in treatment, community base organizations engaged outreach strategies to overcome mistrust and connect eligible patients to care, which varied in their success at recruiting women and men. Greater discrimination against WWID pushed them into hiding, away from outreach teams that focus on outdoor areas where men who inject drugs congregate. Building trust through multiple encounters and making a personal connection facilitated entry into care for women. Only PWID were eligible for MAT, due to resource constraints and the higher risk associated with injection drug use. Many women smoke heroin, yet still face high risk of HIV, resulting from low condom use during sex work to fund drug use.

Conclusion

Expanding outreach times and locations, by women peers, could increase women's enrollment in treatment. Allowing women who smoke heroin to enter the program could prevent onward transmission via sex work and reduce the chance of progressing from the lower risk smoking or sniffing to injection drug use.

Purchase full article at:   http://goo.gl/otTNSc

By:  Sophia Zamudio-Haas, Bathsheba Mahenge, Haneefa Saleem, Jessie Mbwambo, Barrot H. Lambdin

Affiliations

Sophia Zamudio-Haas, Department of Preventative Medicine University of California, San Francisco 550 16^th Street San Francisco, California 94143

Department of Epidemiology and Biostatistics University of California San Francisco, CA

Department of Global Health University of Washington Seattle, WA

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Social Cohesion, Social Participation & HIV Testing among Men Who Have Sex with Men in Swaziland

Social cohesion and social participation are social factors that may help reduce HIV risks and optimize health-seeking behaviors. 

We examined the association between these factors and HIV testing in the last 12 months among men who have sex with men (MSM) in Swaziland using a cross-sectional survey conducted with 326 men, 18 years of age or older reporting having sex with another man in the last 12 months. Social capital analyses included measures of social cohesion and social participation. 

The social cohesion measurement scale was created through exploratory factor analysis using polychoric correlations to determine unidimensionality and Cronbach's Alpha to assess internal consistency. The measurement scale was divided at the 25th and 75th percentiles using "high," "medium" and "low" levels of social cohesion for between-group comparisons. The social participation index included four questions regarding participation, resulting in a participation index ranging from 0 to 4. In the final multivariate logistic regression model, an increase in the level of social participation was found to be significantly associated with HIV testing in the last 12 months, adjusting for age, income, reporting a casual partner, family exclusion and rejection by other MSM due to sexual orientation. 

MSM with high social cohesion had almost twice the odds of HIV testing in the last 12 months as MSM with medium social cohesion, though the overall social cohesion variable was not found to be significant using a Wald test in either the adjusted or unadjusted logistic regression models. 

These data suggest that building solidarity and trust within and between groups may be a strategy to improve uptake of HIV testing.

Purchase full article at:   http://goo.gl/isZGYo

By:  Grover E1, Grosso A1, Ketende S1, Kennedy C2, Fonner V3, Adams D1, Sithole B4, Mnisi Z5, Maziya SL6, Baral S1.

• 1 Key Populations Program, Department of Epidemiology , Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health , Baltimore , MD , USA.
• 2 Department of International Health , Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health , Baltimore , MD , USA.
• 3 Department of Psychiatry and Behavioral Sciences , Medical University of South Carolina , Charleston , SC , USA.
• 4 Rock of Hope , Mbabane , Swaziland.
• 5 Swaziland National AIDS Program , Mbabane , Swaziland.
• 6 HealthPlus 4 Men , Mbabane , Swaziland. 
• AIDS Care. 2016 Jan 29:1-10.

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Social Interactions, Trust & Risky Alcohol Consumption

Background

The association of social capital and alcohol consumption is one of the most robust empirical findings in health economics of the past decade. However, the direction of the relationship between the two is heavily dependent on which dimension of social capital is studied and which alcohol measure is used. In this paper, we examine the effect of social interactions and generalised trust on drinking in the general Danish population survey.

Methods

Participants (n = 2569) were recruited as part of a larger study. The double-hurdle model for the volume of alcohol consumption and the multivariate logistic model for heavy episodic drinking were estimated.

Results

We found evidence that social networking with male friends, membership in voluntary organisations, and generalised trust were significantly associated with the mean volume of alcohol consumption and heavy drinking. We also observed that social support at the community level had a buffering effect against heavy episodic drinking.

Conclusions

The findings support previous findings in which social interactions and generalised trust were found to predict individuals’ volume of drinking and heavy episodic drinking. However, the results varied across the indicators.

Full article at:   http://goo.gl/t9xECa

By:  Abdu Kedir Seid

Centre for Alcohol and Drug Research, Aarhus University, Artillerivej 90, 2. 2300 København S, Denmark

Abdu Kedir Seid, Phone: +4531847979, Email: kd.ua.ysp@frc.ka.

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The Whitewashing Effect: Using Racial Contact to Signal Trustworthiness and Competence

The present research examines whether people use racial contact to signal positive and negative social attributes. 

In two experiments, participants were instructed to fake good (trustworthy/competent) or fake bad (untrustworthy/incompetent) when reporting their amount of contact with a range of different racial groups. In Experiment 1 (N = 364), participants faking good reported significantly more contact with White Americans than with non-White Americans, whereas participants faking bad did not. In Experiment 2 (N= 1,056), this pattern was replicated and was found to be particularly pronounced among those with stronger pro-White bias. 

These findings suggest that individuals may use racial contact as a social signal, effectively “whitewashing” their apparent contact and friendships when trying to present positively.

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By:  

Stephen T. La Macchia1⇑

Winnifred R. Louis1

Matthew J. Hornsey1

Michael Thai1

Fiona Kate Barlow1,2

¹The University of Queensland, Brisbane, Australia

²Griffith University, Brisbane, Australia

Stephen La Macchia, School of Psychology, The University of Queensland, Brisbane, St Lucia, Queensland 4072, Australia. Email: s.lamacchia@uq.edu.au

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Judged and Remembered Trustworthiness of Faces Is Enhanced by Experiencing Multisensory Synchrony and Asynchrony in the Right Order

This work builds on the enfacement effect. This effect occurs when experiencing a rhythmic stimulation on one’s cheek while seeing someone else’s face being touched in a synchronous way. This typically leads to cognitive and social-cognitive effects similar to self-other merging. In two studies, we demonstrate that this multisensory stimulation can change the evaluation of the other’s face. 

In the first study, participants judged the stranger’s face and similar faces as being more trustworthy after synchrony, but not after asynchrony. Synchrony interacted with the order of the stroking; hence trustworthiness only changed when the synchronous stimulation occurred before the asynchronous one. 

In the second study, a synchronous stimulation caused participants to remember the stranger’s face as more trustworthy, but again only when the synchronous stimulation came before the asynchronous one. 

The results of both studies show that order of stroking creates a context in which multisensory synchrony can affect the trustworthiness of faces.

Below:  Examples of the faces judged in Study 1 (consent from the person depicted in Fig 1 A was obtained for publication of these images) A) Computerized version of the stranger’s face; B) 35% morph of the stranger’s face; C) 20% morph of the stranger’s face; D) filler face.

Below:  Example of the Faces and Morphs used in Study 2 (consent from the person depicted was obtained for publication of these images)

Full article at:  http://goo.gl/zBPVU7

By:   

Hugo Toscano, Thomas W. Schubert

Instituto Universitário de Lisboa (ISCTE-IUL), Centro de Investigação e Intervenção Social, Lisboa, Portugal

Thomas W. Schubert

Department of Psychology, University of Oslo, Oslo, Norway 

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Is Trust for Sale? The Effectiveness of Financial Compensation for Repairing Competence- versus Integrity-Based Trust Violations

Despite the popularity of financial compensation as a means for addressing trust violations, the question whether (more) money can indeed buy trust back remains largely unexplored. In the present research, we focus on the role of violation type and compensation size. 

The results of a scenario study and a laboratory experiment show that financial compensation can effectively promote the restoration of trust for transgressions that indicate a lack of competence. 

Conversely, for transgressions which signal a lack of integrity, financial compensation is not an effective tool to repair trust. Moreover, our findings indicate that for both violation types, overcompensation has no positive effects on top of the impact of equal compensation. 

These findings therefore show that when it comes to trust, money cannot buy everything.

Full article at:  http://goo.gl/wiLMRD

By:   

Tessa Haesevoets, Chris Reinders Folmer, Alain Van Hiel

Department of Developmental, Personality, and Social Psychology, Ghent University, Ghent, Belgium

Chris Reinders Folmer

Erasmus School of Law, Erasmus University, Rotterdam, The Netherlands

  

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Romantic Relationship Dynamics of Urban African American Adolescents: Patterns of Monogamy, Commitment, and Trust

Relationship dynamics develop early in life and are influenced by social environments. STI/HIV prevention programs need to consider romantic relationship dynamics that contribute to sexual health. 

The aim of this study was to examine monogamous patterns, commitment, and trust in African American adolescent romantic relationships. The authors also focused on the differences in these dynamics between and within gender. The way that such dynamics interplay in romantic relationships has the potential to influence STI/HIV acquisition risk. In-depth interviews were conducted with 28 African American adolescents aged 14 to 21 living in San Francisco. 

Our results discuss data related to monogamous behaviors, expectations, and values; trust and respect in romantic relationships; commitment to romantic relationships; and outcomes of mismatched relationship expectations. Incorporating gender-specific romantic relationships dynamics can enhance the effectiveness of prevention programs.

Below:  Monogamy and commitment on a continuum. Note: Model illustrates adolescents’ monogamy and commitment in relationships. Monogamy, trust, and respect are all illustrated on the Y axis. Commitment is depicted on the X axis. Males and females fall somewhere along the commitment continuum.

Table 2

Subthemes for Monogamy

Number	Subtheme	Supporting quotes
Ml	Multiple concurrent partners valued by males	Most [guys] think they're players, pimps . . . if you're a guy you just . . . have to have more than one female. One as your wifey and one as somebody you just want to just have sex with. . . . Most of them think that's a man's thing to do. (Amir, male, age 18, multiple partners)
		N_ is dogs. They gonna get on another girl if they like another girl. Because they not trying to settle down. They ain't got no rings on they fingers, so if they see something they like they gonna get it. (Sarah, female, age 15, multiple partners)
		They're looking up to the other brothers . . . [with] five girls . . . it's like a little domino effect. . . . Most young people want to do what their friends do . . . they want to look good . . . it feels good for your friend to say, “Oh, you doing this? Right on.” You feel like the man out there. And most males, they like to feel like, “Okay, I'm strong. I got a way about that. Ain't nobody mess with me . . . .” Makes them feel like they the “man,” manhood, that's what they think. I'm a man now. I got all these girls. (Michael, male, age l8, monogamous)
		Most [guys] is like, they want to be like, “Yeah, I had her. Um hum. So who you going with? Yep, I f_ her, too. Woop de woop de woo.” Just to make theyself seem big, and they hit it. (Kim, female, age 14, monogamous)
M2	Multiple sex partners kept a “secret”	You have to hide it, like a player, you have to hide your stuff. . . . If you gonna have more than one female, you have to hide it, because most girls be like, uh uh. They'll be like, I ain't going for that. You stick with me. That's most females. . . . I've never met a female who . . . would not want to be committed to that one person, to that one male. . . . You have to get her to think she's the only one. (Michael, male, age l8, monogamous)
		He got other girlfriends . . . I already knew this. But . . . he tried to . . . hide it from me, and that's another thing that turned me off about him, because when you try to hide stuff from me, I'm like finding it out. And you know the ‘jects talk, by theyself. So without you even telling nobody, somebody else still know. So it get around, so of course I was gonna find out and what I don't like is that he tried to hide shit from me. (Sarah, female, age l5, multiple partners)
M3	Males valued monogamous females	I really do think females is into [sex] as the guys is [in that they like sex]. But they don't put it out as much. Like just like people say, the pimps and the whores thing. A female is a whore if she sleep with more than two, three guys. But if a guy sleep with more than two, three girls, he a pimp. (Samuel, age 16, multiple partners)
		The guy expect the girl not to cheat on him. The guy expect that let the girl know to be honest with him at all times. (Andre, age l5, multiple partners)

Table 3

Subthemes for Trust and Respect

Number	Subtheme	Supporting quotes
TRI	Mutual monogamy is fundamental to trust and respect	A girlfriend is a somewhat thing that you work on. You develop it throughout weeks, days, or months. You develop trust and different things. . . . Let them know how a man feels sometimes. A girlfriend gotta listen . . . a girlfriend to me is a person that's right by your side. Loyal just to you just like you loyal to them. . . . And I treat a girlfriend like a girlfriend's supposed to be treated . . . with respect. You definitely gotta have responsibility. And just being there just to listen. Just to love. (Ty, male, age 19, multiple sex partners)
		[My boyfriend] said [he was monogamous], but I don't believe it . . . [I want my relationship with him to develop] . . . honesty. Gotta earn each other's trust. Respect. (Amber, female, age 18)
TR2	Communication is important to males	Yeah, a [girlfriend] gets respect. . . . A [girlfriend] . . . I can talk to you about whatever. And I don't mind telling [her] because I seen [she] understand. (Michael, male, age 18)
		My relationship with my [main] girl is good, because I know we talk about, whatever she don't feel comfortable talking about, she'll tell me. And whenever she think that's unnecessary to do or something, or say, she'll tell me. . . . And you can trust her. She can trust you. (Andre, male, age 15)
TR3	Monogamy and love are important to females	[I'm in love with my boyfriend] because if, I never met nobody like him. . . . I never met a guy that's just so, just so good to a woman. . . . That's why I said that I love him, because he's a good (i.e., monogamous) man. (Brittany, female, age 18)
		I can trust [my boyfriend] more than like all these females around here, like and I don't even know. And he kept just showing like he loved me. I mean, a lot of people can show that they love you, but they can't really love you. . . . (Shawna, female, age 15)

Table 4

Subthemes for Commitment

Number	Subtheme	Supporting quotes
C1	Females committed with hopes of mutually monogamy	Because [females] feel like well, I can get this one-night stand. Then he can just be my friendly thug. And he could be my actual n_. And this could be my boyfriend. This could be the man I love. (Kim, female, age 14, monogamous and committed)
		I feel with a male is able to be more honest and more open with hisself and doing what he really want to do or act like he really act, then the really gonna feel you more. That's gonna make him more into you, basically. If you let him be who he really is. (Sarah, female, age 15, multiple partner and committed to her main partner)
C2	Mothers committed to fathers despite relationship quality and father's commitment level	He said [he was monogamous], but I don't believe it. . . . Because his reputation [of a whore] and I still see him around females. And I just don't believe that he's just being with me. . . . I mean, it's just, I caught him too many times I know so many girls that he's gonna have sex with, especially since I've been pregnant and since I've had my baby. So I don't trust him. [But I'm in love with him] because, I mean, it's just been over a year. It's the longest I've ever messed with somebody and I felt like I have strong feelings for him. And I just, I don't know, I can't go without him. Everything I think about has to do with him. Our future, our baby, we have a baby together. . . .
		Interviewer: So how would you like to see your relationship develop with him?
		Amber: Honesty. Gotta earn each other's trust. Respect. (Amber, female, age 18, monogamous and committed)
		Love to me means respect, not getting caught with no B's, not getting hit on. Respecting each other's mind, like telling each other the truth and not lying and not thing to keep stuff hid or behind each other. [And love is important to me] because love is like, it's like the intimates thing, you don't want to get hurt, and you don't want to get heartbroken. (Tasha, female, age 15)
C3	Males retain multiple partnership status by not committing	Even though the girl wasn't my girlfriend, she was talking like she was. . . . It made it seem like I was cheating on her [because I had another sex partner at the time] even though I wasn't. She was just a friend. (Samuel, male, age 16)
		I have a girlfriend and I think our relationship, it's cool to be little, like a little 16-year-old teen relationship. I mean, I don't, I mean, just take it slow, because like I said, I got my whole life ahead of me. Maybe I still be with her; maybe I'll find somebody else. But we still talk, or whatever. We just go out. That's it. (Eric, male, age 16)
C4	A few adolescents were irresolute about commitment	She's waiting on me to make that step. But I don't really know right now because it's kind a scary. . . . Like giving up everything and just being with one person. Kinda hard . . . I got too many needs. And she can't really please them all. (Darrel, male, age 19, multiple sex partners and not committed)
		If I would have left my boyfriend, [my sex partner] would have became my boyfriend . . . but I was really ready [to commit to my boyfriend]. I think I should have not been with my boyfriend. . . . I'm trying to make it work and try to hold, but it wasn't working. But if I would have just like [broke up with him] . . . it's hard to let go sometimes. (Whitney, female, age 19, no current sex partners, not committed)

Table 5

Subthemes for Outcomes of Mismatched Relationship Expectations

Number	Subtheme	Supporting quotes
O1	Females experienced loss when their hopes of mutual monogamy were unmet	My boyfriend, he had sex with another girl. . . . I guess he thought I wasn't gonna find out. But everybody talks . . . my friends didn't want to hurt [my] feelings, and . . . didn't know how to tell [me]. But my worst enemy telling me, and I'm thinking. . . . I know she laughing her ass off. Because this is my n_, and it make it seem like he don't like me enough to want to be faithful to me or whatever. (Kim, female, age 14)
		I'd rather be the mistress on the side and know about everything than be the main one. Not in the dark about everything. . . . He can be so open and honest with me. And I don't judge him about it. I think that's what he kinda likes. (Dominique, female, age 19)
O2	Two males endorsed regret for being nonmonogamous	I don't like [cheating] too much. I don't like that guilty conscience, like trying to keep . . . yourself from being caught. (Samuel, male, age 15)
		I just [felt cheating on my girlfriend was] weird. I was like, oh, damn. Cheat on my girl. She gonna find out. . . . So you get nervous . . . afterwards. I thought about it like, damn, I don't believe I'm doing this with her. (Andre, male, age 15)

Full article at:   http://goo.gl/aF8dJz

By:    Senna L. Towner,1 M. Margaret Dolcini,1 and Gary W. Harper2

¹Oregon State University, Corvallis, OR, USA

²DePaul University, Chicago, IL, USA

Corresponding Author: Senna L. Towner, College of Public Health and Human Sciences, Oregon State University, Hallie E. Ford Center for Healthy Children and Families, 2631 S. W. Campus Way, Corvallis, OR 97331-8687, USA ; Email: ude.tsro.dino@esrenwot

 

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