Showing posts with label racism. Show all posts
Showing posts with label racism. Show all posts
Thursday, August 4, 2016
Monday, March 28, 2016
Understanding Associations between Religious Beliefs and White Privilege Attitudes
Scholars have grappled with
how religion in the United States shapes attitudes toward racial inequality,
often by focusing on racial inequality as out-group disadvantage.
The current
study extends this research by moving beyond racial inequality as out-group
disadvantage to examine how religious conservatism and sanctification of social
justice (i.e., attributing spiritual or religious significance to working for
social justice) are associated with attitudes toward racial in-group advantage:
white privilege.
Using canonical correlation analysis with 475 white Catholic
and Protestant students, results showed religious beliefs and white privilege
attitudes were connected in two ways:
- sanctification of social justice was positively associated with a dimension defined by greater willingness to confront white privilege and greater white privilege remorse and awareness and
- religious conservatism was negatively associated with a dimension defined by greater awareness of white privilege.
Full PDF article at: https://goo.gl/xIArSw Abstract: http://goo.gl/QVbqke
Nathan R. Todd, Department of Psychology, University of
Illinois Urbana–Champaign, 603 East Daniel Street, Champaign, IL 61820, USA.
Email: ntodd2@illinois.edu
More at: https://twitter.com/hiv insight
Sunday, March 27, 2016
White Supremacy vs White Privilege in Environmental Racism Research
In this report I compare two
forms of racism: white privilege and white supremacy. I examine how they are
distinct and can be seen in the environmental racism arena.
I argue that within US geographic scholarship white privilege has become so widespread that more aggressive forms of racism, such as white supremacy, are often overlooked. It is essential that we understand the precise dynamics that produce environmental injustice so that we can accurately target the responsible parties via strategic social movements and campaigns. Using the case of Exide Technologies in Vernon, California, I argue that the hazards generated by its longstanding regulatory noncompliance are a form of white supremacy.
I argue that within US geographic scholarship white privilege has become so widespread that more aggressive forms of racism, such as white supremacy, are often overlooked. It is essential that we understand the precise dynamics that produce environmental injustice so that we can accurately target the responsible parties via strategic social movements and campaigns. Using the case of Exide Technologies in Vernon, California, I argue that the hazards generated by its longstanding regulatory noncompliance are a form of white supremacy.
Full PDF article at: http://goo.gl/CyiAeT Abstract: http://goo.gl/ITckh1
By: Laura Pulido, American Studies & Ethnicity, University of Southern California, Los Angeles, CA, USA.
More at: https://twitter.com/hiv insight
Deny, Distance, or Dismantle? How White Americans Manage a Privileged Identity
Social scientists have
traditionally argued that whiteness-the attribute of being recognized and
treated as a White person
in society-is powerful because it is invisible. On this view, members of the
racially dominant group have
the unique luxury of rarely noticing their race or the privileges it confers.
This article challenges this "invisibility thesis," arguing that Whites frequently regard themselves as racial actors. We further argue that whiteness defines a problematic social identity that confronts Whites with 2 psychological threats: the possibility that their accomplishments in life were not fully earned (meritocratic threat) and the association with a group that benefits from unfair social advantages (group-image threat). We theorize that Whites manage their racial identity to dispel these threats.
According to our deny, distance, or dismantle (3D) model of White identity management, dominant-group members have three strategies at their disposal: deny the existence of privilege, distance their own self-concepts from the White category, or strive to dismantle systems of privilege. Whereas denial and distancing promote insensitivity and inaction with respect to racial inequality, dismantling reduces threat by relinquishing privileges.
We suggest that interventions aimed at reducing inequality should attempt to leverage dismantling as a strategy of White identity management.
This article challenges this "invisibility thesis," arguing that Whites frequently regard themselves as racial actors. We further argue that whiteness defines a problematic social identity that confronts Whites with 2 psychological threats: the possibility that their accomplishments in life were not fully earned (meritocratic threat) and the association with a group that benefits from unfair social advantages (group-image threat). We theorize that Whites manage their racial identity to dispel these threats.
According to our deny, distance, or dismantle (3D) model of White identity management, dominant-group members have three strategies at their disposal: deny the existence of privilege, distance their own self-concepts from the White category, or strive to dismantle systems of privilege. Whereas denial and distancing promote insensitivity and inaction with respect to racial inequality, dismantling reduces threat by relinquishing privileges.
We suggest that interventions aimed at reducing inequality should attempt to leverage dismantling as a strategy of White identity management.
Purchase full article at: http://goo.gl/AMUToK
By: Knowles ED1, Lowery BS2, Chow RM3, Unzueta MM4.
- 1New York University eric.knowles@nyu.edu.
- 2Stanford University.
- 3Carnegie Mellon University.
- 4University of California, Los Angeles.
- Perspect Psychol Sci. 2014 Nov;9(6):594-609. doi: 10.1177/1745691614554658.
More at: https://twitter.com/hiv insight
Saturday, March 26, 2016
An Empirical Analysis of White Privilege, Social Position and Health
Accumulated evidence has
demonstrated that social position matters for health. Those with greater
socioeconomic resources and greater perceived standing in the social hierarchy
have better health than those with fewer resources and lower perceived
standing. Race is another salient axis by which health is stratified in the
U.S., but few studies have examined the benefit of White privilege.
In this paper, we investigated how perceptions of inequality and subjective and objective social status affected the health and well-being of N = 630 White residents in three Boston neighborhoods lying on a social gradient differentiated by race, ethnicity, income and prestige. Outcomes were self-rated health, dental health, and happiness. Results suggested that: neighborhood residence was not associated with health after controlling for individual level factors (e.g., positive ratings of the neighborhood, education level); objective measures of socioeconomic status were associated with better self-reported and dental health, but subjective assessments of social position were more strongly associated; and White residents living in the two wealthiest neighborhoods, and who perceived Black families as welcome in their neighborhoods enjoyed better health than those who believed them to be less welcome. However, those who lived in the least wealthy and most diverse neighborhood fared worse when reporting Black families to be welcome.
These results suggest that White privilege and relative social position interact to shape health outcomes.
In this paper, we investigated how perceptions of inequality and subjective and objective social status affected the health and well-being of N = 630 White residents in three Boston neighborhoods lying on a social gradient differentiated by race, ethnicity, income and prestige. Outcomes were self-rated health, dental health, and happiness. Results suggested that: neighborhood residence was not associated with health after controlling for individual level factors (e.g., positive ratings of the neighborhood, education level); objective measures of socioeconomic status were associated with better self-reported and dental health, but subjective assessments of social position were more strongly associated; and White residents living in the two wealthiest neighborhoods, and who perceived Black families as welcome in their neighborhoods enjoyed better health than those who believed them to be less welcome. However, those who lived in the least wealthy and most diverse neighborhood fared worse when reporting Black families to be welcome.
These results suggest that White privilege and relative social position interact to shape health outcomes.
Below: Relationship between
perceived neighborhood welcome to Black families and health outcomes
(self-rated health, dental health, and happiness). Values for self-rated health
ranged from 1 to 4; dental health from 1 to 5; and happiness from 0 to 2. For
both self-rated health and dental health, lower scores are better.
By: Kwate NO1, Goodman MS2.
- 1Departments of Human Ecology and Africana Studies, Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey, 55 Dudley Rd, Cook Office Building, New Brunswick, NJ 08901-8520, USA. Electronic address: nokwate@rci.rutgers.edu.
- 2Division of Public Health Sciences Department of Surgery, Washington University in St. Louis School of Medicine, 660 S. Euclid Avenue, Campus Box 8100, St. Louis, MO 63110, USA.
- Soc Sci Med. 2014 Sep;116:150-60. doi: 10.1016/j.socscimed.2014.05.041. Epub 2014 Jun 13.
More at: https://twitter.com/hiv insight
Sunday, March 20, 2016
Social Movements Against Racist Police Brutality and Department of Justice Intervention in Prince George's County, Maryland
Racist police brutality has
been systemic in Prince George's County, Maryland. The victims include African
Americans, the mentally challenged, and immigrant populations, creating a
complex and uneven public health impact. Three threads characterize the social
movements and intervention since 1970.
First, a significant demographic shift occurred as African Americans became the majority population in the late 1980s when the first Black county executive was elected in 1994. Despite the change in political leadership, police brutality remained rampant. Lower-income households located close to the District of Columbia and "inside the beltway" experienced the most police brutality.
In 2001, The Washington Post revealed that between 1990 and 2000, Prince George's police shot and killed more citizens per officer than any of the 50 largest city and county law enforcement agencies in the country, 84 % of whom were black. Of the 147 persons shot during the 1990s, 12 were mentally and/or emotionally disturbed; 6 of these shootings were fatal.
Second, resistance to police brutality emerged in a variety of political formations throughout the period, especially in the late 1990s. Sustained community pressure prompted the Department of Justice (DOJ) to open a civil rights investigation of the police department in November 2000. To avoid a potential federal lawsuit, the county leadership negotiated a memorandum of agreement (MOA) with the DOJ to enact policy reforms, part of which called for supplementing the departmental mobile crisis team, comprised of mental health care professionals, to respond to all cases involving mentally challenged citizens.
Third, the incomplete process of change subsequent to the ending of DOJ oversight suggests a continued challenge to social movements opposing police brutality. This study focuses on the effectiveness of the MOA along with the activism of the People's Coalition for Police Accountability (PCPA) in reforming a culture of police brutality. The intensive oversight by the DOJ, combined with engaged resident activism, reduced the incidences of police brutality during the period 2004-2013.
Since the termination of DOJ oversight, disturbing developments suggest the need for continued and sustained activism. Since 2010, county police officers have fatally shot 21 people, several in questionable circumstances.
At the same time, the Prince George's Police Department has received more tactical military weaponry than any other jurisdiction in the state of Maryland under the 1033 program of the National Defense Authorization Act.
First, a significant demographic shift occurred as African Americans became the majority population in the late 1980s when the first Black county executive was elected in 1994. Despite the change in political leadership, police brutality remained rampant. Lower-income households located close to the District of Columbia and "inside the beltway" experienced the most police brutality.
In 2001, The Washington Post revealed that between 1990 and 2000, Prince George's police shot and killed more citizens per officer than any of the 50 largest city and county law enforcement agencies in the country, 84 % of whom were black. Of the 147 persons shot during the 1990s, 12 were mentally and/or emotionally disturbed; 6 of these shootings were fatal.
Second, resistance to police brutality emerged in a variety of political formations throughout the period, especially in the late 1990s. Sustained community pressure prompted the Department of Justice (DOJ) to open a civil rights investigation of the police department in November 2000. To avoid a potential federal lawsuit, the county leadership negotiated a memorandum of agreement (MOA) with the DOJ to enact policy reforms, part of which called for supplementing the departmental mobile crisis team, comprised of mental health care professionals, to respond to all cases involving mentally challenged citizens.
Third, the incomplete process of change subsequent to the ending of DOJ oversight suggests a continued challenge to social movements opposing police brutality. This study focuses on the effectiveness of the MOA along with the activism of the People's Coalition for Police Accountability (PCPA) in reforming a culture of police brutality. The intensive oversight by the DOJ, combined with engaged resident activism, reduced the incidences of police brutality during the period 2004-2013.
Since the termination of DOJ oversight, disturbing developments suggest the need for continued and sustained activism. Since 2010, county police officers have fatally shot 21 people, several in questionable circumstances.
At the same time, the Prince George's Police Department has received more tactical military weaponry than any other jurisdiction in the state of Maryland under the 1033 program of the National Defense Authorization Act.
Purchase full article at: http://goo.gl/8xSskR
By: Hutto JW Sr1, Green RD2.
- 1Howard University, Washington, DC, USA.
- 2Howard University, Washington, DC, USA. rgreen@howard.edu.
- J Urban Health. 2016 Feb 16.
More at: https://twitter.com/hiv insight
Wednesday, March 2, 2016
Wednesday, February 24, 2016
Monday, January 18, 2016
Structural Equation Modeling of the Effects of Racism, LGBTQ Discrimination & Internalized Oppression on Illicit Drug Use in LGBTQ People of Color
BACKGROUND:
METHODS:
RESULTS:
CONCLUSIONS:
Purchase full article at: http://goo.gl/b2d6eK
By: Drazdowski TK1, Perrin PB2, Trujillo M1, Sutter M1, Benotsch EG1, Snipes DJ1.
- 1Department of Psychology, Virginia Commonwealth University, 810 W. Franklin Street, P.O. Box 842018, Richmond, VA 23284-2018, United States.
- 2Department of Psychology, Virginia Commonwealth University, 810 W. Franklin Street, P.O. Box 842018, Richmond, VA 23284-2018, United States. Electronic address: pperrin@vcu.edu.
- Drug Alcohol Depend. 2016 Jan 4. pii: S0376-8716(15)01844-X. doi: 10.1016/j.drugalcdep.2015.12.029.
More at: https://twitter.com/hiv insight
Sunday, January 3, 2016
Stress and Coping with Racism and Their Role in Sexual Risk for HIV among African American, Asian/Pacific Islander, and Latino Men Who Have Sex with Men
The deleterious effects of
racism on a wide range of health outcomes, including HIV risk, are well
documented among racial/ethnic minority groups in the United States. However,
little is known about how men of color who have sex with men (MSM) cope with
stress from racism and whether the coping strategies they employ buffer against
the impact of racism on sexual risk for HIV transmission.
We examined
associations of stress and coping with racism with unprotected anal intercourse
(UAI) in a sample of African American (N = 403), Asian/Pacific
Islander (N = 393), and Latino (N = 400) MSM recruited in
Los Angeles County, CA during 2008-2009. Almost two-thirds (65 %) of the
sample reported being stressed as a consequence of racism experienced within
the gay community.
Overall, 51 % of the sample reported having UAI in the
prior 6 months. After controlling for race/ethnicity, age, nativity,
marital status, sexual orientation, education, HIV serostatus, and lifetime
history of incarceration, the multivariate analysis found statistically
significant main effects of stress from racism and avoidance coping on UAI; no
statistically significant main effects of dismissal, education/confrontation,
and social-support seeking were observed. None of the interactions of stress
with the four coping measures were statistically significant. Although stress
from racism within the gay community increased the likelihood of engaging in
UAI among MSM of color, we found little evidence that coping responses to
racism buffered stress from racism. Instead, avoidance coping appears to
suggest an increase in UAI.
Below: Stress from Racism Experienced in the Gay Community, by Race/Ethnicity (%)
Below: Coping Strategies Employed to
Deal with Racism, by Race/Ethnicity: Mean Scale Scores1
1. Range: 1 = “strongly disagree” to 4 = “strongly agree”
Full article at: http://goo.gl/78mRbc
- 1Department of Sociology and Anthropology, Middlebury College (http://www.middlebury.edu/academics/soan), Middlebury, VT, 05753, USA, chongsukhan@gmail.com.
- Arch Sex Behav. 2015 Feb;44(2):411-20. doi: 10.1007/s10508-014-0331-1. Epub 2014 Jul 25.
More at: https://twitter.com/hiv
insight
Friday, November 20, 2015
Re-Search: The Missing Pieces in Investigating African-American Relationship Dynamics and Implications for HIV Risk
African-Americans account for
roughly 14% of the population, yet comprise 44% of new HIV/AIDS infections in
the United States (Centers for Disease Control, 2013).
These numbers represent a grave health
disparity where African-Americans bear a disproportionate brunt of the HIV/AIDS
epidemic. While much of the funding for research in HIV prevention among
African-Americans remains focused on the MSM (men who have sex with men)
population, heterosexual African-Americans have been left with little direction
for effectively confronting this epidemic.
Furthermore, most prevention
messaging is focused at the individual-level, encouraging mutual monogamy and
consistent condom use ( Nydegger,
Keeler, Hood, Siegel & Stacy, 2013). However, placing onus solely on the individual is
problematic as Prado,
Lightfoot, & Brown , 2013; there are structural and community-level factors that
complicate an individual's ability to substantially reduce their risk.
Here, we
make a call for conducting studies that more comprehensively examine the
historical, societal, structural, and community-level factors that affect
African-American heterosexual relationships, perpetuating increased risk for
HIV/AIDS infection in this group.
Full article at: http://goo.gl/xAxdXf
By: Valerie Newsome, Zupenda Davis, and Jessica Dinac
National Development and Research Institutes
More at: https://twitter.com/hiv_insight
Wednesday, October 21, 2015
Racism at the Intersections: Gender & Socioeconomic Differences in the Experience of Racism among African Americans
Several studies investigating the health effects of racism have reported gender and socioeconomic differences in exposures to racism, with women typically reporting lower frequencies, and individuals with greater resources reporting higher frequencies.
This study used diverse measures of socioeconomic position and multiple measures and methods to assess experienced racism. Socioeconomic position included education and financial and employment status. Quantitative racism measures assessed individual experiences with day-to-day and with major lifetime incidents and perceptions of the extent to which African Americans as a group experience racism.
A brief qualitative question asked respondents to describe a racist incident that stood out in recent memory. Participants comprised a probability sample of N = 144 African American adults aged 19 to 87 residing in New York City. Results suggested that women reported fewer lifetime incidents but did not differ from men on everyday racism. These differences appear to be partly because of scale content.
Socioeconomic position as measured by years of education was positively associated with reported racism in the total sample but differently patterned across gender; subjective social status showed a negative association. Qualitative responses describing memorable incidents fell into 5 key categories: resources/opportunity structures, criminal profiling, racial aggression/assault, interpersonal incivilities, and stereotyping. In these narratives, men were more likely to offer accounts involving criminal profiling, and women encountered incivilities more often.
The findings highlight the need for closer attention to the intersection of gender and socioeconomic factors in investigations of the health effects of racism.
This study used diverse measures of socioeconomic position and multiple measures and methods to assess experienced racism. Socioeconomic position included education and financial and employment status. Quantitative racism measures assessed individual experiences with day-to-day and with major lifetime incidents and perceptions of the extent to which African Americans as a group experience racism.
A brief qualitative question asked respondents to describe a racist incident that stood out in recent memory. Participants comprised a probability sample of N = 144 African American adults aged 19 to 87 residing in New York City. Results suggested that women reported fewer lifetime incidents but did not differ from men on everyday racism. These differences appear to be partly because of scale content.
Socioeconomic position as measured by years of education was positively associated with reported racism in the total sample but differently patterned across gender; subjective social status showed a negative association. Qualitative responses describing memorable incidents fell into 5 key categories: resources/opportunity structures, criminal profiling, racial aggression/assault, interpersonal incivilities, and stereotyping. In these narratives, men were more likely to offer accounts involving criminal profiling, and women encountered incivilities more often.
The findings highlight the need for closer attention to the intersection of gender and socioeconomic factors in investigations of the health effects of racism.
Purchase full article
at: http://goo.gl/jXgPur
By: Kwate NO1, Goodman MS2.
- 1Department of Human Ecology.
- 2Division of Public Health Sciences, Department of Surgery, Washington University in St. Louis School of Medicine.
More at: https://twitter.com/hiv_insight
Sunday, October 4, 2015
Social Oppression, Psychological Vulnerability & Unprotected Intercourse among Young Black Men Who Have Sex with Men
Young Black men who have sex with men (YBMSM) are at
extraordinarily high risk for HIV infection. Given their dual minority
identity, they experience multiple forms of social oppression-racism,
homophobia, and poverty. This study tested a model for how these forces
contribute to their sexual risk behavior.
YBMSM (n = 1,289) from 2 Texas cities completed a 1-time
assessment of sexual behaviors and psychosocial variables. Structural equation
modeling was used to characterize relationships among variables.
- Experiences of racism, homophobia, and socioeconomic distress were all associated with unprotected anal intercourse (UAI) either directly or indirectly in a manner largely consistent with Díaz's (1997, 1998) model of the effects of social oppression.
- Racism, homophobia, and socioeconomic distress were each associated with specific psychological vulnerabilities, which were in turn associated with participation in difficult sexual situations (e.g., in a public setting), and then UAI.
- The effects of racism were largely mediated by depressive symptoms and participation in difficult sexual situations.
- Homophobia was mediated by depressive symptoms, social support, and internalized homophobia.
- The effects of socioeconomic distress were partially mediated by decreased social support and greater participation in difficult sexual situations.
- Socioeconomic distress also had a significant direct effect on UAI not explained by the proposed mediators.
Via: http://goo.gl/S3c9dE Purchase
full article at: http://goo.gl/xHjO51
By: Huebner DM1, Kegeles SM2, Rebchook GM2, Peterson JL3, Neilands TB2, Johnson WD4, Eke AN4.
- 1Department of Psychology, University of Utah.
- 2Center for AIDS Prevention Studies, University of California, San Francisco.
- 3Department of Psychology, Georgia State University.
- 4Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.
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